World esonomy and international relations

The problem of the comprehensive use of open-source programs is studied as a unique international process covering most countries of the world. The object of the study is open-source software, the source code of which is freely distributed in various sources and can be used on the basis of the relevant rules (license). Some open-source software products are critical technological building blocks for widely used computer systems around the world. A huge number of companies, governments, and individuals use open-source software or its components. At this stage, it is not just an important part of the software industry, but one of the foundations of the modern global economy. The article analyzes the history of open-source software, its conceptual apparatus, development process and prospects. Analysis of the history of the idea and movement for open-source software showed that, at present, it is possible to state the absence of a strict division into closed and open segments. Almost all leading IT companies are increasingly using open-source software models in their activities, while simultaneously being their sponsors. The article substantiates its strategic importance in the spheres of economics and security. Thus, the author substantiates the conclusion that the accelerated spread of open-source software is already a unique international process that has a large-scale impact on the economy and security at the national and global levels. The risks and threats of malicious use and distribution of open-source software at the current stage are identified, including for the security of Russia. Governments of developed countries are more and more concerned about the consequences of using open-source software for cybersecurity and the risks of both accidental vulnerabilities and code manipulation by not only criminals, but also foreign state actors. Countries with the greatest capabilities in the information space are implementing open-source software, and moreover, developing methods for managing the so-called open-source ecosystem at the national and global level, increasingly politicizing these processes, and using them to influence other states. The article raises the problem of politicization of the development and distribution of open-source software, which contradicts the key principles of collaborative development and open access.

Using the concepts of water intensity of production and international trade in virtual water developed in the economic literature, the authors show that in the countries of Central Asia, with the exception to a certain extent of Kazakhstan, a highly water-intensive model of economic growth has developed. The record-breaking by world standards water intensity of economic growth in the subregion is explained by the massive use of fresh natural water to serve the needs of agriculture, which is also among the world leaders in water intensity. Despite the pronounced trend towards a decrease in the water intensity of the economy in the period 2000-2021, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan remain world leaders by fresh water consumption per unit of gross domestic product and value added in agriculture. Uzbekistan is a striking example of a country whose specialization in global exports was formed irrespective of the availability of such a resource as water. In 2022, Uzbekistan exported in virtual form a fifth of fresh water taken from natural sources. In absolute terms Uzbekistan by export of its own virtual water ranked sixth in the world, behind only China, India, the United States, Iran and Pakistan. The water stress indicator in Uzbekistan exceeds 100, which shows that the economy and population are consuming part of the fresh water that should be used to maintain the stability of natural water systems. It is only possible to maintain and, even more so, develop such a wasteful model of water consumption if the price water for consumers remains very low, which in turn presupposes an increase in the withdrawal of fresh natural water. If the present economic growth model is maintained, the negative consequences of water scarcity and water stress in Central Asia will only increase in the future. Water conservation can make a significant contribution to solving the problems of water scarcity, what involves modernization through large-scale investments of water transportation, distribution, accumulation and storage systems, as well as the use of water-saving technologies and practices in agriculture. A positive effect on water scarcity can be achieved by the wide use of industrial water cleaning technologies. However, both of these solutions are palliatives. Fresh natural water should receive a relevant price. In the short term, a relevant price for water will strengthen the policy of reducing water intensity. In the medium and long term, the price will set the right guidelines for investment and sectoral policies aimed at forming a model of sustainable economic growth.

The article examines the transformation of Iran’s proxy strategy in the context of profound political changes in the Middle East and the weakening of Tehran’s traditional allies. Particular attention is given to the events of 20232025, including the twelve-day Iran-Israel war, the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria, and the significant losses sustained by Hezbollah and other pro-Iranian formations in Levant. Based on the analysis of these factors, it is shown that Iran has faced the necessity of rethinking its reliance on a limited and institutionalized circle of allies and shifting toward a more flexible network of interactions. The article discusses potential establishment of new logistical supply routes and redistribution of financial flows, with particular attention to Iran’s impact on the dynamics of regional conflicts. While this strategy remains central in Iran’s foreign policy arsenal, it increasingly combines traditional proxy structures and temporary and front organizations. At the same time, Tehran seeks to offset the military setbacks of the “Axis of Resistance” by expanding political and economic contacts with regional states, including Egypt and Gulf monarchies. The study also examines the perception of proxy strategy within Iranian political discourse. The term “proxy” is rejected by Tehran as a Western construct, while the activities of allied movements are presented as legitimate “resistance” against “Zionism and American imperialism”. In conclusion, it is argued that the transformation of the Iranian model reflects a broader process of change in international relations, within which proxy wars have become one of the key instruments of global politics, reshaping the balance of power and the nature of conflicts in the Middle East and beyond.

This study explores the growing geopolitical importance of water resources in Central Asia, with particular focus on their role in maintaining regional stability amid climate change, interstate relations, and external influences. The urgency of the issue stems from the need to move away from traditional approaches toward adaptive strategies aligned with current geopolitical dynamics. The research highlights key environmental challenges worsened by water issues, including the desiccation of the Aral Sea, declining surface and groundwater quality, loss of wetlands, and rising soil salinity. Additionally, developments like the construction of the Qosh-Tepa canal in Afghanistan introduce new geopolitical risks. Through historical and contemporary analysis, the study traces the evolution of the “Central Asia” concept, covering five core nations - Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan -while also recognizing Afghanistan’s growing geopolitical role. The Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers, which provide most of the region’s freshwater, are analyzed along with the legal, political, and infrastructural challenges of managing transboundary waters. The paper reviews regional and global initiatives, including the 1992 Nukus Agreement, UN water conventions, and crisis group reports. Drawing from global cases such as the India-Bangladesh Ganges treaty, it proposes cooperative models for Central Asia. A geostrategic model is presented, integrating water strategy, transport corridor development, and geopolitical balancing. It outlines practical steps such as improving legal frameworks, investing in small reservoirs and water-saving technologies, and establishing regional centers for drought resilience and coordination. In conclusion, the study emphasizes that sustainable water governance and strategic foresight are vital for long-term peace, development, and ecological stability in Central Asia. These findings aim to guide policymakers and scholars in forming cooperative strategies for a region increasingly shaped by water geopolitics.

This article analyzes China’s perspective on the transformation of European security architecture amid global turbulence. It explores the factors that have shaped China’s understanding of security, with particular attention to the Global Security Initiative proposed by China and its perception of the European security crisis following 2022. By examining official statements and academic publications, the paper identifies how China evaluates Russia’s initiative in shaping a new Eurasian security framework, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses it perceives. The study concludes that Chinese and Russian visions for a new security system largely align in terms of core principles, although each has distinct emphases and implementation approaches. China emphasizes a balanced, inclusive, and cooperative approach to regional and global security, advocating for multilateralism and respect for sovereignty. It views the current Western-dominated security order as outdated and believes that the European security crisis stems from ignoring the principle of indivisible security. China supports efforts to build a more equitable and stable security architecture that involves all stakeholders, including Russia. While China shares Russia’s criticism ofNATO’s expansion and the existing Euro-Atlantic security model, it also promotes dialogue and peaceful resolution of conflicts. The article suggests that despite common strategic interests, China maintains its own independent stance. Ultimately, China’s vision complements but does not fully mirror Russia’s approach, reflecting its broader geopolitical strategy and commitment to a multipolar world order.