Vol 69, No 6 (2025)

Article seeks to inscribe some empirical evidences, based on an analysis of economic- demographic development of modern China and India, into the long-term theoretical debate on the unity and diversity of modernization processes. Both modern India and China have successfully converted their enormous demographic might into political and economic power. In both, increasing domestic consumption, driven by the rapid economic growth and huge population, help to balance the internal and export-oriented sectors of economy. On the other hand, economic-demographic development of both China and India are unique in many ways. China’s sweeping emergence as a world factory, and multimillion rural-to-urban migration could scarcely be replicated by other developing countries to solve the problems of employment. Unlike China, in India, with its specific political institutions and deeply ground rooted family patriarchy, the quantitative changes turned into qualitative ones more slowly and smoothly. Nevertheless, in India the share ofwomen working outside the households rapidly increased for the last years, platform job boards contributed to modernizing of informal sector, and GDP growth rate became faster than in China. Modern economic-demographic development of both India and China are in a good agreement with multiple modernities and path dependence theories’ reflections on interweaving of unique and universal in global transformations. While the West, as Huntington argued, is unique, China, India, or Russia are unique not in the less degree. Uniqueness’ thesis warns against mechanical replication or imposing of alien patterns but should not prevent from seeing of common in the world development.

Abstract. In the context of globalization and accelerating digitalization, companies’ patent activity has become a key factor in regional economic growth. This paper examines the impact of spatial concentration and interaction effects, as well as government support, on the number of patents filed by technological companies in European regions. The key differences among Marshall, Jacobs, and MAR (Marshall-Arrow-Romer) effects are analyzed in terms of specialization or concentration, types of interactions, and assessment tools. An econometric analysis was conducted using statistical data from 124 regions for the period 2017-2022. The results demonstrate that a significant share of industrial companies exhibit a high level of technological intensity. The COVID-19 pandemic negatively affected the resilience of European industries, leading to disruptions in supply chains and shortages of goods and components. Nonetheless, industries with high innovation intensity experienced faster growth rates. For most European countries, moderate growth in the number of patent applications was observed, reflecting a general interest in innovation. However, large economies such as Germany, Switzerland, and France continue to dominate, while smaller countries display either rapid growth or unstable trends. Agglomeration processes in regions have a positive impact on companies’ patent activity. The relationship between these two indicators strengthened during the 2017-2022 period, driven by the creation of favorable environments for innovation and knowledge exchange. In regions where enterprises, research institutions, and skilled labor are concentrated, interactions among companies, universities, and research centers intensify, accelerating the diffusion of ideas and technologies. An increase in the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, which measures market concentration, leads to a decrease in the number of patent applications in European regions. This can be technically explained by the predominance of large and medium-sized companies in the sample, which are the primary filers of patent applications. However, such growth in market concentration may also reduce competition and resource availability for new entrants, as well as diminish incentives to develop new technologies. Addressing this issue requires fostering competition, creating equal opportunities for startups and small businesses, and incentivizing investment in research activities. Government support has a positive effect on patent activity. The scientific novelty of this study lies in identifying spatial and institutional factors that contribute to enhancing the innovation potential of European regions. The practical significance of the research lies in its potential application for developing policy recommendations aimed at stimulating regional innovation activities.

The origins of the European Union’s modern nuclear non-proliferation policy date back to the creation of Euratom in the late 1950s, as well as its accession to the most important international treaties in this area. However, the EU gained a genuine role in the policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and arms control after the signing of the Treaty on the European Union (TEU), which endowed it with legal personality and determined the future trajectory of development. Undoubtedly, a certain reference point was the adoption by the EU of its Strategy against the Proliferation ofWeapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) in 2003, which confirmed the European Union’s place among the main international organizations. The presented article analyzes the role of the EU in international policy in the field of nuclear non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament, as well as the most pressing problems limiting this role. It seems that Brussels is ready to resist the disintegration of the international system of non-proliferation and arms control, supporting the work of existing international institutions organizationally and financially. At the same time, it should be recognized that the European Union’s ability to play a more prominent role in arms control is currently limited. Firstly, the EU is unable to overcome even the internal fragmentation between its member states, which have different “nuclear formats”. One of the reasons for the existing fragmentation of the European Union is the cross-membership of a number of countries in the EU and NATO, which reflects the dichotomy in their identity and creates problems for developing a unified line of the Union’s behavior. This is most clearly evident in the attitude of the EU countries towards the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Secondly, apart from stating the threat of WMD proliferation and the alarming arms control situation in the Strategic Compass, the European Union does not have a clear conceptual understanding and plan for overcoming this situation. Perhaps the development of the strategic autonomy of the eU can strengthen internal unity and trigger a more active and independent role in the field of arms control.

The article analyzes the main results of the elections to the European Parliament (EP) in 2024 and their impact on the formation of the governing bodies of the European Union’s three leading political institutions: the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament. A comparison of the available forecasts for the results of these elections, and an explanation of their deviation from the actual results are given, including a change in the structure of the EP due to the emergence of two new Eurosceptic groups in it: “Patriots for Europe” and “Europe of Sovereign Nations”. The influence of the leading European parties on the formation of the European Parliament’s governing bodies and the personal composition of the European Commission (EC) are analyzed. The scheme of distribution of leadership positions in the EP among its leading political groups is shown. The analysis ofthe EC’s new composition and its management structure is presented. A political portrait of Antdnio Costa, the new head of the European Council, is drawn up.

This study explores the unique characteristics of international reserve management in China, an area that has received limited attention in existing literature. While most research focuses on the excessiveness of China’s reserves based on International Monetary Fund (IMF) optimality criteria or on challenges in reserve accumulation driven by domestic and international events, less emphasis is placed on the institutional and strategic distinctions shaping China’s approach. This article aims to address this gap. By comparing international practices guided by IMF recommendations with China’s distinctive methodologies, this paper highlights two critical aspects. First, China’s reserve management is characterized by institutional specificities, where sovereign wealth funds handle investments, and reserve operations are coordinated at the governmental level rather than solely by the central bank. Second, China adopts a broader interpretation of the functions of international reserves, exceeding the conventional IMF standards. Beyond serving as a buffer against external shocks, these reserves are leveraged as tools for economic development. This paper demonstrates that China employs its reserves to enhance export competitiveness by maintaining the Yuan’s exchange rate below parity, to secure access to global markets and technologies, and to fund external projects that solidify its economic standing in the global system. Additionally, reserves are utilized to stimulate domestic investment through bank lending. Consequently, expanding reserve holdings beyond IMF-defined thresholds imposes minimal economic costs for China.

The international p olitical activity of the five Central Asian republics has been determined in recent years by a trend aimed at forming an independent region in this part of the post- Soviet space. The “Central Asian Five” may eventually make an application for international subjectivity, as there is a clearly defined desire to present a united front on global issues and initiatives. The regionalization process launched in Central Asia is closely linked to the practices of transformation into sustainable structures of a number of internationally recognized associations. These include such well-known regional formats as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the European Union (EU). The attractiveness of these two models does not exclude their potential incompatibility with the political culture, traditions, and international priorities of the Central Asian countries in a number of parameters. Unlike European states, which, having become members of the EU, transferred control of most of its processes to supranational structures, the “Central Asian Five” are not ready to give up their recently achieved sovereignty and therefore prefer to coordinate economic, political and international problems exclusively within the framework of national states. Central Asian countries can learn a lot from ASEAN’s experience in regional integration and the creation of mechanisms to protect themselves from external influences. With ASEAN, it seems very promising to create a mechanism for inter-regional dialogue, possibly in the “C5+ASEAN” format. Such a negotiation platform should be based on issues relevant to both Central Asia and ASEAN. This is the creation of free trade zones, as well as conditions for the unrestricted movement of labor, capital, goods, and services. Projects in the fields of energy, transport logistics, countering drug trafficking and the spread of extremism may become important.

The article is about the national issue in Kenya. It is noted that the socio-economic and political situation in Kenya is largely determined by such a factor as tribalism. The author examines the national issue and tribalism in connection with the development of Kenyan statehood, problems of internal politics and stability, party life, security problems in the country and the region, the federal experience of the country at the dawn of independence and since the 2010s. The “majimbo” (regionalism, federalism), devolution (transfer of powers from the upper level of government to the lower, to the county level) system adopted in Kenya defines the country’s role in the regional East African federal process. Kenya is called the “big brother”, the “big man” of East Africa. It is the most economically developed country in the region. Kenya’s political weight is determined by its special allied relations with the United States and Great Britain, and leadership in the East African Community. It is planned to create a political federation based on EAC, preceded by the creation of a confederation. The country’s system of “majimbo”, devolution provide grounds for currently considering Kenya a “regional, semi-federal” state. The administrative and territorial structure, the borders of the regions correlate with the national/tribal composition of the country. Also since independence, the origin of a leader from a certain tribe has determined the phenomenon of “ethnic eating”, the system of distribution of material and symbolic benefits in the state among representatives of different nationalities, and there are at least 40 of them in Kenya. The origins of this phenomenon date back to the colonial period, when the British administration established “ethnic boundaries”, divided and ruled Kenyans, clashing the economic and political interests of tribal groups that differ in language, culture.